By Ayodele Oni

General Yakubu Gowon, Nigeria’s former head of state, has revealed that the mutiny, which claimed the life of military head of state General J.T.U. Ironsi, during the counter-coup of July 1966, was planned in Abeokuta, Ogun state.

Gowon also recounted how he tried to save the life of Ironsi, who was his boss from the mutineers.

The former Head of State recollected the events in his autobiography with the title My Life of Duty and Allegiance, which was launched in Abuja Tuesday.

Ironsi was assassinated during a counter-coup on July 29, 1966, in Ibadan. He had seized power during the ensuing chaos after the January 15, 1966, military coup.

Ironsi ruled from January 16 until his assassination. He was killed alongside his host and the first military governor of the former Western Region, Col. Adekunle Fajuyi.

Recalling the events of Friday, July 29, 1966, Gowon said he received a phone call at about midnight from Major Martin Adamu, who told him that a mutiny had broken out in Abeokuta.

The mutiny, he said, was triggered by rumours of the disarming of Northern commanding officers and soldiers in the barracks by the Commanding Officer, Col. Gabriel Okonweze.

He said, “My immediate worry was that General Ironsi’s life might be in danger if I did not make an effort to reach him as quickly as possible to give him a situation report.”

Gowon noted that Ironsi’s original itinerary was to return to Lagos by road from Ibadan through Sagamu-Ikorodu or Ibadan-Abeokuta.

“I reckoned that if a mutiny had broken out in Abeokuta, it would be unsafe for him to travel via the city, and Ikorodu would have been blocked by the mutineers. In the end, I felt it might be safer for him to fly from Ibadan to Lagos.

“On impulse, I called the airport at Ikeja to instruct Major Paul Dickson, who oversaw the airport, to send a helicopter to Ibadan to evacuate the Supreme Commander. At once, he responded, “Yes, Sir.”

The former head of state, however, noted that Major Dickson had no intention of carrying out the instruction because he was a member of the group that planned the uprising.

“I therefore called the Government House, Ibadan, intending to give General Ironsi the sitrep, advise him to avoid Abeokuta, and intimate him of the contingency plan I had made to keep him safe.

But I did not realise that by this time the mutineers had closed in on Government House.”

He added that he was surprised when the operator passed the call to Major Theophilus Danjuma, who told him he was Ironsi’s escort for the tour that was ending in Ibadan.

“I requested that he pass the call to the Supreme Commander, but he told me it would not be possible then, as Ironsi had been placed under close arrest by some officers.

“The presence of so many hot-headed young officers from the North at the scene momentarily unsettled me because they felt hurt by the events of January 15, 1966 and were, therefore, capable of doing anything,” he recalled.

He stated that while it would be pointless to issue a desist order, he instructed Danjuma to handle the situation with extreme caution to prevent needless bloodshed.

“Not willing to take chances, I instructed him to ensure that Ironsi was kept safe.”

Gowon said he suggested to Danjuma that Ironsi should be moved to Bida or somewhere close to Ilorin, which he considered relatively safe.

“I kept my phone line open after the brief discussion with Danjuma in the hope that there would be follow-up calls from him.

“Unknown to me, however, as I would later learn, the Supreme Commander and his host governor, Col. Adekunle Fajuyi, had already been taken away in a Land Rover by their abductors without waiting for Danjuma to give them any last instructions,” the former head of state said.

By Ayodele Oni

Nigeria’s former military Head of State, Yakubu Gowon, has revealed  that he was aware of the coup that toppled his government in July, 1975.

He also stated that those involved in the coup were officers he trusted, close to him and relied upon to transform the country eventually turned against him and overthrew his government in July 1975.

Gowon, who ruled Nigeria between 1966 and 1975 said he later discovered that some of them were part of the plot that removed him from office.

The former head of state was overthrown on 29 July 1975 while attending the 12th summit of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in Kampala, Uganda.

He was seated at the conference when the then Uganda’s leader, Idi Amin, approached him with a Reuters dispatch announcing that his government had been toppled.

The development abruptly ended his time in office and was followed by his retirement from the Nigerian Army by the new military junta.

In his memoir, “My Life of Duty and Allegiance”, Mr Gowon narrated how his Chief Security Officer and head of the Special Branch, M.D. Yusuf, warned him that some officers were planning a coup ahead of the OAU summit.

According to him, Mr Yusuf identified two officers, Joseph Garba, then Commander of the Federal Guards Unit, and Anthony Ochefu, then Provost Marshal of the Nigerian Military Police, as key figures in the alleged conspiracy.

Mr Gowon said the report unsettled him because both men were not only central to national security, but were also people he trusted deeply.

“Not only did I intimately know both men, but I had also grown to like and trust them over the years.

“Coincidentally, both were Christians and from my original home state, Benue Plateau,” he recounted in the book.

The former head of state said he summoned both officers after receiving the intelligence report. While Mr Garba honoured the invitation, Mr Ochefu repeatedly failed to appear despite several requests.

“Garba answered my summons, but Ochefu conveniently made himself unavailable. He still did not show up after my Aide-de-Camp, Ltd. Col Williams Walbe (1943-2011), personally delivered my instructions to him to appear.”

Mr Gowon said Mr Ochefu’s refusal heightened his suspicion that the coup plot might indeed be real, although he decided to revisit the issue after returning from Kampala, unaware he would never return as head of state.

“His characteristic, yet deliberate act of gross disloyalty made me sense the plot might be true. I made a note to revisit the issue on my return from Kampala,“ he said.

He added that Mr Garba’s appointment as head of the Brigade of Guards was partly influenced by family ties and the confidence he had in him.

“As commander of the Federal Guards, which is the elite entrusted with the responsibility of protecting the person of the Head of State, Garba was supposed to have unquestionable loyalty.

“Apart from his proven professional ability, he was appointed head of the Brigade of Guards because of his filial relationship with my mother’s family in Benue Plateau State.

“This step was taken in the belief that it would add an extra layer of confidence in my emergence as Head of State.

“Incidentally, his aging father who was the Chief of Langtang made me to further realise how close Garba and I were when I paid him a condolence visit in 2002 after Joseph’s funeral,” he added.

Mr Gowon further recalled confronting Mr Garba over the allegations, but said the officer vehemently denied involvement in any coup plot.

“In quick succession, he vehemently denied awareness of any plan to topple me and swore by heaven and earth to deny the existence and his membership of any group that may have been formed for that purpose.

“But, I made him realise that if, at the end of the day, there was any truth in the rumour of his involvement in any plan against me, he would be answerable to God and his conscience.”

Despite the warnings, Mr Gowon said he still proceeded to Uganda because he had already committed to attending the summit.

He travelled aboard a Nigeria Airways Boeing 737 on 27 July 1975, but remained uneasy after arriving in Uganda. As a result, he instructed his Aide-de-Camp, Mr Walbe, to return to Lagos to monitor developments and provide a proper situation report.

However, Mr Walbe’s return was delayed after the aircraft’s co-pilot reportedly fell ill.

Mr Gowon said he eventually received confirmation of the coup on the third day of the summit, 29 July 1975. The coup led to the emergence of Murtala Muhammed as head of state and Olusegun Obasanjo as chief of staff, Supreme Headquarters.

The former Nigerian leader said that even after hearing the news of his overthrow, he initially struggled to believe that Mr Garba was involved.

He explained that early media reports mentioned a certain “Colonel Darwa” as the officer who announced the coup, a name he believed might have been a mispronunciation or misspelling of “Garba.”

“I did not recognise the garbled name on the Reuter’s dispatch. Early media reports mentioned a certain ‘Colonel Darwa ‘ as the officer who made the dawn broadcast of the coup. ‘Darwa ‘ certainly sounded and read like a mispronounced or misspelt ‘Garba’. Still, I was not inclined to believing that he, of all people, would betray me,” he narrated.

Mr Gowon said he initially suspected that Mr Garba may have been pressured or manipulated into joining the coup plot.

“My concern for Garba was based on fears that the planners of the coup may have co-opted him into their scheme against his better judgement.

“I felt they might have convinced or threatened him into believing he did not gain anything from his long association with me and, as such, was better off being in their camp, failing which he could be shot if need be.”

By Ayodele Oni 

In his hey days as the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, former Governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai stepped on powerful toes, using state machinery to humiliate them.

Among victims is former Military Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, who had his only plot of land revoked by Rufai.

The Catholic Bishop of Sokoto Diocese, Matthew Hassan Kukah, revealed how El-Rufai, revoked a plot of land belonging to former Head of State, Yakubu Gowon, in Abuja.

Kukah spoke in Abuja while reviewing Gowon’s autobiography, “My Life of Duty and Allegiance,” published by  Havilah Group.

The Cleric, recounted some of the difficulties Gowon faced after leaving office, including his years in exile following the 1975 military coup that ousted him from power.

According to Kukah, Gowon initially had no property in Abuja after returning to Nigeria and managed secured a plot of land only after the intervention of senior military figures.

“He didn’t have a plot of land. And when he came back, it was just out of pity, let me put it that way, that General Babangida agreed. 

“Finally, they named one crescent after him, and after the crescent, they now gave him a plot of land, his first plot of land in Abuja.

“He mobilised resources to try and start building. He begins to build. Then El-Rufai, who was Minister of the FCT, revoked the land,” Kukah stated.

According to him, the intervention of retired General Theophilus Danjuma and others eventually helped Gowon recover the property.

The remarks formed part of Kukah’s extensive review of the autobiography, which he described as a voluminous account of Nigeria’s turbulent political history spanning about 900 pages and divided into 36 chapters.

Kukah disclosed that much of Gowon’s personal archives and records were lost in two separate fire incidents in Bakori and Kaduna, making the memoir largely dependent on the former military leader’s recollections.

“It’s important to underscore the fact that whatever you read in the book is the result of what the author was able to recall. You will find in the book evidence of excellent memory and details of things.”

The bishop structured his review around different phases of Gowon’s life, including military coups, exile, personal trials and his relationships with key actors in Nigeria’s political history.

He particularly highlighted revelations surrounding Gowon’s relationship with former President Olusegun Obasanjo, citing portions of the memoir suggesting deep trust between both men despite political tensions after Gowon’s overthrow.

Quoting from the book, Kukah said Gowon described Obasanjo as his “informal guardian angel” whom he trusted “more than any other soldier.”

Kukah also referenced accounts by former Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, Allison Ayida, regarding debates within the military over whether Gowon should be allowed to return to Nigeria from exile.

According to him, Ayida recalled that some officials feared political backlash if Gowon’s planned return became public knowledge.

Beyond politics, Kukah devoted a significant portion of his review to Gowon’s wife, Victoria Gowon, whom he described as “the shield, the diplomat, who wore the trousers in the house.”

According to the bishop, the memoir detailed the extent of hardship the Gowon family endured in exile in the United Kingdom after the 1975 coup.

He said Gowon struggled to secure employment or even open a bank account, while his wife sustained the family by sewing bed sheets and making pillows for sale.

“He himself said in the book that he became what he called a kept man because she was the one looking after everything in the house,” Kukah noted.

The bishop further narrated how a domestic worker allegedly sent to assist the family by Nigerian officials was later discovered to be monitoring them for incriminating evidence.

“At the end of the day, the poor man could not find anything to report back home,” Kukah said.

Gowon, who ruled Nigeria from 1966 to 1975 and led the country through the civil war, remains one of Nigeria’s most consequential military leaders. 

His administration pursued the post-war policy of “no victor, no vanquished” and later established the National Youth Service Corps as part of national reconciliation efforts after the conflict.

By Ayodele Oni 

General Yakubu Gowon has revealed in his autobiography that serious power play happened during his ascension to the seat of Nigeria’s military Head of State.

According to him, Joseph Wey, a Commodore, and Adeyinka Adebayo, a Colonel, were senior to him and got promoted to major-general and later full-star general within one year.

“The case of Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe was, however, not as straight forward because the course of the coup had made it obvious that he could no longer function effectively in the command-and-control structure of the Nigerian Army and the Armed Forces.

“With the concurrence of the UK government, he was appointed Nigeria’s High Commissioner to the UK,” Gowon wrote.

“Ojukwu refused my offer of friendship. By extension, he wilfully refused to recognise my leadership. 

“He felt that the ‘normal’ protocol of seniority in service should have been upheld in selecting General Ironsi’s successor under the new administration, regardless of the circumstances by which I assumed power. 

“Admiral Wey effectively persuaded former Supreme Military Council members to take cognisance of the situation and support my leadership, highlighting my ability to command respect from junior officers and my willingness to lead during a difficult time.”

Gowon did not believe Ojukwu was supporting Ogundipe or defending the army hierarchy for altruistic reasons.

He wrote: “Left unsaid at the time was Ojukwu’s strong view that I was junior to him in the hierarchy. 

“He failed to appreciate that he had been under serious threat because the young Northern officers believed he was complicit in the January 15, 1966 coup.

 “I pre-empted any attempt to move against him, in part, because of my respect for all the Regional Governors and, more importantly, because I saw him primarily as a colleague and officer with whom I thought I had worked to restore normalcy in those early days of uncertainty. 

“I believed that, together, we could rebuild the army and allow the country to continue its course in history.”

By Ayodele Oni 

Ojukwu secretly pawned Biafra’s mineral wealth to the Rothschild banking family for approximately $10m in exchange for French-backed support

Former Head of State General Yakubu Gowon (retd.) has revealed  how he managed command postings during Nigeria’s civil war.

Gowon disclosed that there was  a standoff between Obasanjo and Murtala Mohammed which he said was playing out during the opening phase of the civil war.

According to Gowon, when a young officer,  Olusegun Obasanjo, flatly refused to serve under Colonel Murtala Muhammed during the civil war, and declared that he would “never” take orders from his junior, he had to assert authority to enforce the order.

Gowon said he resolved the confrontation by invoking his authority as Commander-in-Chief and forced Obasanjo to stand down, before going on to serve as Obasanjo’s personal “guardian angel” through the war and beyond.

The revelations are contained in Chapter 14 of Gowon’s 859-page titled  “No Going Back” in his autobiography, *My Life of Duty and Allegiance*. It was presented in Abuja on Tuesday before Nigeria’s who-is-who. 

Gowon also disclosed that Biafra’s leader, Lieutenant Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu, secretly pawned the mineral wealth of Biafra to the Rothschild banking family for approximately $10m, or an estimated N5 million at the time, in exchange for French-backed support for the secessionist effort.

Gowon said he first encountered Obasanjo at the Officers’ Mess in the United Kingdom in March 1958, when both men were undergoing officer training.

According to  Gowon, he was short of money and unable to settle his bills on arrival in London, turned to two fellow Nigerian officers, Obasanjo and a Lagos-born officer named Foluso Sotomi, to assess who might help him.

“Whereas Obasanjo was a frugal person, Sotomi was a spendthrift and, as his nickname confirmed, a typical Lagos ‘Show Boy’ who looked smarter but was more of a bigmouth and certainly more bombastic than Obasanjo.” 

When he approached Sotomi, the man had no money to spare.

“Obasanjo, on the other hand, was much different. He had more than enough money to pay for himself and to offset my initial bills. I saw that as a great display of a sense of responsibility,” the former Head of State said.

That first impression, Gowon wrote, converted into a sustained personal investment in Obasanjo’s career that would last through the civil war and into the post-war period.

He said: “That singular act made me take more interest in Obasanjo and what he did. I advised him to ensure that he remained on the right track in the Army.

“I became his informal guardian angel right up to the time I appointed him to take over the command of 3 Marine Commando from Adekunle.”

Gowon stated that he observed Obasanjo closely from the beginning, forming a clear-eyed assessment that is candid about his limitations as well as his strengths.

“Obasanjo was a quiet, respectable and intelligent officer, though not quite as smart as, for example, the younger Alani Akinrinade to whom I took instant liking whilst he was a cadet officer at my alma mater, the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst,” he wrote.

The former Head of State had decided to create a Rear Command for the newly formed 2 Division under Murtala Muhammed, with Obasanjo, then Sector Commander in the Western State, serving as Rear Commander in Ibadan, helping to organise relief supplies, equipment and reinforcements.

The arrangement would technically place Obasanjo in a supporting role under Murtala. Obasanjo, Gowon wrote, did not take it well.

“He believed he was more senior and should not be expected to serve under his junior.

“His reaction made it obvious that he was not well disposed to any idea that appeared to present him as playing second fiddle to Murtala.

“As a result, he strongly stated that he would never serve under Colonel Murtala Muhammed for any reason,” he narrated.

Gowon pointed out that Murtala’s own reaction to the arrangement similarly revealed something important about the future head of state’s character.

“His reaction also clearly showed that Obasanjo would have serious misgivings about being 2-IC even to himself,” he recalled.

But the Commander-in-Chief held firm.

“I stood my ground that, as Commander-in-Chief, I reserved the right to send people to where I believe they could be most useful to the country at any material time

“I told him his main task was not to be Murtala’s deputy, but to ensure the general security of the Western Region. He relented and took on the role assigned to him.”

Gowon added that despite the inauspicious start, Obasanjo “indeed performed well to my expectations,” specifically by rebuffing a remarkable covert attempt by Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka to use the posting to open a passage for Colonel Victor Banjo to enter the West.

“He performed well to my expectations, especially by rebuffing Wole Soyinka’s attempt to get him to allow Colonel Victor Banjo to come to the West through Benin to Ibadan. 

I deeply appreciate Obasanjo’s loyalty and sense of patriotism,” Gowon wrote.