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Kidnapping: Kwara Communities Say 13 Still Missing As 163 Out Of 176 Abducted Victims Were Released

By
Ayodele Oni
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Kwara State Map

By Ayodele Oni

 

The whereabouts of 13 persons who were among the 176 persons abducted during the February 3, 2026 attack by armed bandits on Woro and Nuku communities in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State remain unknown, despite the release of most of the captives after about six months in captivity.

 

The National Chairman of Kaiama Development Association, (KDA), Yakubu Salihu, who disclosed , said only 163 of the 176 women and children abducted during the attack regained their freedom on Wednesday, leaving 13 others still unaccounted for.

 

“One hundred and seventy-six people were taken away, but only 163 were released. That leaves 13 people still missing. Where are the others?” Salihu asked.

 

Woro community came under attack on February 3 when armed kidnappers reportedly killed over 100 people and abducted 176 residents, mostly women and children.

 

Salihu disclosed that some of the women gave birth while in captivity, describing the development as a painful reminder of the traumatic ordeal the victims endured over the past six months.

 

According to him, the freed victims are currently in Niger State and are expected to return to Kwara on or before Saturday, where they will receive medical care and be supported through rehabilitation and resettlement programmes.

 

The KDA chairman renewed his call on the Federal Government to expedite the establishment of a Nigerian Army battalion in Kaiama, saying the shortage of security personnel has left communities in the area vulnerable to recurring attacks.

 

“The Federal Government is working towards establishing a Nigerian Army battalion in our community. As a community, we are ready to provide a suitable location and every support needed to ensure the military settles in quickly and begins operations,” he added.

 

He observed that the few security personnel deployed to the area are overstretched and unable to respond effectively to emergencies.

 

“If the Federal Government can expedite the establishment of the military base, we are ready to provide every necessary support to ensure its smooth take-off.

 

” Once the battalion becomes operational, security response will be faster, and we believe it will go a long way in preventing similar attacks,” Salihu stated.

 

He stressed that a permanent military presence is critical to restoring residents’ confidence and safeguarding communities against future attacks.

 

Salihu also appealed to governments at all levels to rehabilitate the deplorable road network in Kaiama Local Government Area, noting that poor roads continue to hamper security operations and hinder socio-economic development in the area

Nigeria, Canada Sign Expanded Air Transport Agreement For Direct Flights

By
The Source
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Nigerian and Canadian Flag

In a landmark step towards strengthening bilateral aviation relations and expanding economic cooperation, the Federal Government of Nigeria and the Government of Canada have signed an expanded Air Transport Agreement that will, for the first time, permit direct scheduled air services between both countries.

 

In a statement which conveyed the good news, Tunde Moshood, Special Adviser to Festus Keyamo, SAN, the Honourable Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, said the Minister was represented at the signing ceremony by the Director of Air Transport Management, Federal Ministry of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Mr. Mohammed Ahmed Tijjani.

 

Mr Tijani joined the Canadian Chief Air Negotiator for Global Affairs, Ms. Shendra Melia, at the High Commission of Canada in Abuja to formalize the historic agreement.

 

The signing followed an extensive Nigeria–Canada Air Transport Expansion Technical Review Worksession, during which both delegations reviewed the existing Bilateral Air Services framework and reached a consensus that culminated in the signing of the Agreed Minutes.

 

The Nigerian delegation comprised Mr. Mohammed Ahmed Tijjani, Director, Air Transport Management; Mrs. Jummai Yahaya, Esq., Director, Legal Services, Federal Ministry of Aviation and Aerospace Development; Mrs. Olayinka Babaoye-Iriobe, Director, Air Transport Regulation, Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA), alongside other senior government officials.

 

The Canadian delegation was led by Ms. Shendra Melia, Chief Air Negotiator for Global Affairs Canada, and included Mr. Jathorsan Lingarajan, Trade Policy Officer, Global Affairs Canada, and Mr. Steven Worth, Manager and Senior Policy Advisor, Transport Canada, among other officials.

 

The expanded agreement marks a significant milestone in the aviation relationship between Nigeria and Canada. It introduces several important enhancements designed to improve connectivity, promote tourism, facilitate trade, and create new opportunities for airlines and businesses in both countries.

 

Key highlights of the expanded Air Transport Agreement include:

 

– The right for Nigeria and Canada to designate multiple airlines to operate scheduled air services between the two countries.

– A capacity allowance of 14 weekly passenger flights and 10 weekly all-cargo flights for the designated airlines of each country.

– The granting of Fifth Freedom Traffic Rights for all-cargo operations, allowing cargo airlines to transport freight between two foreign countries, provided the service originates or terminates in the airline’s home country.

 

The agreement is expected to significantly enhance air connectivity between Nigeria and Canada by paving the way for the commencement of direct flights, thereby reducing travel time, improving passenger convenience, lowering logistics costs, and strengthening commercial and cultural ties between both nations.

 

The development is particularly significant given the growing people-to-people relationship between Nigeria and Canada. As of 31 March 2026, more than 25,000 Nigerians hold valid Canadian study permits, making Nigeria one of Canada’s major international student source countries. The enhanced aviation framework is expected to further support educational exchanges, tourism, business travel, investment, and family reunification.

 

The Nigeria–Canada Air Transport Agreement was originally negotiated in 2014 as a code-share-only arrangement and formally signed in March 2025. The current agreement represents the first major expansion of the bilateral air services framework since its negotiation over a decade ago.

“You Run Anti-graft Bodies, The Mask Is Off” ADC To Tinubu

By
Adesina Soyooye
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ADC Logo and Bola Tinubu

By Adesina Soyooye

 

For the African Democratic Congress, ADC, there is no longer any doubt over who runs Nigeria’s Anti-graft bodies  – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, ICPC.

 

As far as the ADC is concerned, there is no doubting the fact that the two are not independent; that they take instructions  from the Executive Arm of Government, specifically, President Bola Tinubu.

 

Proof? The President’s unprecedented directive to the EFCC to immediately unfreeze the First Bank Account of the Osun State Government which the EFCC, inexplicably froze 10 days before the Governorship election in the state – scheduled for August 15.

 

The President in giving the directive, said the EFCC’s action deeply embarrassed him. By his action the President earned applause from not a few Nigerians who equally were very embarrassed by the situation. The directive de-escalated a tense situation which had reached a boiling point.

 

But the ADC says it is given President Tinubu no roses for the swift intervention. Instead, the Party has given the President a thumbs-down.

It said the intervention has confirmed that the anti-graft bodies are run by the President; that it is the President who directs them on what to do. This is an allegation that the President has consistently denied, and which he, also, pointed out in his directive to the EFFC to unfreeze Osun Government accounts.

 

In a statement in reaction to the President’s directive, Bolaji Abdullahi, the National Publicity Secretary of the ADC

on Thursday said President Bola Tinubu’s directive ordering the  EFCC, to reverse the freezing of the Osun State Government’s accounts has rubbished the claims to any independence by Commission even though the Party welcomed the reversal.

 

The President’s directive, said the ADC, raises questions.

 

Abdullahi “If the President possesses the authority to direct the EFCC to withdraw from court proceedings because the political consequences may affect an election, then it follows that he possesses the authority to direct the Commission in other operational matters as well.

 

“The net implication is that the carefully cultivated argument that these agencies operate entirely independently collapses under the weight of the President’s own statement.”

 

The ADC also put a lie to President Tinubu’s claim that the EFCC froze the Osun account based on a court order.

 

“It is either the President was misinformed or he had chosen to misrepresent the facts. Either possibility is deeply disturbing,” Abdullahi said.

OPINION: August 15th Osun Election, A Test-run For 2027

By
The Source
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Steve Osuji
Steve Osuji

By Steve Osuji

 

Next Saturday, the people of Osun State will vote to choose a governor.

There are three frontrunners:

The incumbent, Gov. Ademola Adeleke, the ADC candidate, Najim Salam and APC man, Bola Oyebamiji.

 

It promises to be a battle royale in many respects.

Many analysts see a run off election. 

Why?

The incumbent is of the Accord Party (formerly PDP, until N. Wike damaged it). 

Apart from incumbency, a lot is going for him: he is said to have put up some modicum of good performance in spite of the federal government seizing the state’s LGA funds. Plus a relentless harassment of Osun state officials by the police and the EFCC.

 

The Adeleke family also has a strong political pedigree in Osun. Lastly, Gov Adeleke is loved for his huge human touch.

 

But APC which lost Osun to PDP in the first instance is bent on recovering it. 

It’s going to be federal might versus the state.

 

ADC as the third force is equally formidable. It is backed by Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, former two-time governor and strong man of Osun politics.

 

The street-think is that if INEC does it’s job right, the incumbent should return to his seat.

2027: Osun Traditional Ruler, Oluwo Of Iwoland, Bars Atiku, Obi, Makinde From Campaigning In The State

By
Ayodele Oni
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Oba Abdulrasheed Akanbi - Oluwo of Iwo

By Ayodele Oni 

 

Thrilled by an award of contract for the rehabilitation of the Osogbo-Iwo-Ibadan road, the Oluwo of Iwoland, Oba Abdulrosheed Akanbi, has declared that only President Bola Tinubu will be allowed to campaign in Osun State, ahead of the 2027 presidential election.

 

The monarch canvassed that presidential candidates of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, Atiku Abubakar; the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, Peter Obi; the Allied Peoples Movement, APM, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, and other presidential candidate should not come to Osun state for campaigns.

 

Oba Akanbi made the declaration in a post on his Facebook page.

 

The post which was accompanied by a video, according to the monarch was made during the flag-off of the rehabilitation of the Osogbo-Iwo-Ibadan road.

 

In the video, Oluwo lauded what President Tinubu’s “unprecedented achievements” and specifically for approving the road project.

 

According to him, the road rehabilitation will ease the suffering of Osun people and improve commerce between Osun, Oyo and Ogun states.

 

“No presidential candidate should come to Osun State for presidential campaign except Bola Ahmed Tinubu,” Oluwo wrote on his Facebook page.

 

The monarch lauded Tinubu for what he called people-oriented projects and urged other political leaders to support the president’s administration instead of engaging in early politicking.

 

He also called on residents of Iwo and other communities along the corridor to cooperate with contractors to ensure timely completion of the road.

Gov Adeleke Sues EFCC, Demands ₦2Bn As Damages Over Frozen Of Osun Account

By
Ayodele Oni
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Ademola Adeleke - Osun State Governor
Governor Ademola Adeleke

By Ayodele Oni

 

Despite the heart-warming intervention by President Bola Tinubu on the frozen of account of Osun state by the anti graft agency, Governor Ademola Adeleke, has sued the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for N2 billion, over what he termed the unlawful freezing of the state’s Federal Statutory Allocation Account.

 

The suit also has the Attorney General of Osun State, as well as the Accountant General of the state, listed as second and third plaintiffs, respectively.

 

Cited as first to third defendants in the originating summons entered before the Federal High Court in Abuja by a team of lawyers led by M. T. Adekilekun, SAN, are the EFCC, its chairman, and First Bank Nigeria Limited.

 

Specifically, the plaintiffs posed several legal issues for the court to determine, among which are:

 

“Whether, having regard to the express provisions of sections 1, 6, 36, 44 and 162 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), and Section 34 of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission Establishment Act, 2004, the 1st and 2nd Defendants possess the lawful authority to freeze, restrict, block, place a ‘post no debit’ order on, or otherwise interfere with the Osun State Statutory Account maintained with the this Defendant, without regard to due process of law.

 

“Whether, having regard to the combined express provisions of Section 7(6) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022, and Section 34 of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission Establishment Act, 2004, the 1st and 2nd Defendants possess the lawful authority to freeze, restrict, block, place a ‘post no debit’ order on, or otherwise interfere with the Osun State Government Federal Statutory Allocation Account, Number 2017170947, maintained with the 3rd Defendant, without first obtaining and serving a valid, subsisting, and specific order of a court of competent jurisdiction.

“Whether, having regard to the combined express provisions of Section 7(6) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022, and Section 34 of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission Establishment Act, 2004, the directive of the 1st Defendant to the 3rd Defendant ordering the freezing or restriction of the Osun State Statutory Account No. 2017170947, maintained with the 3rd Defendant, vide its letter with Reference No. CR:3000/EFCC/ABJ/HQ/PFS/TA/OSUN/VOL.17/666 dated 5th August 2026 and authored by ACE I Adenike S. Babalola (for: Director, Investigation), without any prior or concurrent court order sought, obtained and served on the third Defendant, does not constitute an egregious act of executive lawlessness, an unlawful resort to self-help, a flagrant abuse of statutory powers, an unlawful suppression of the constitutional powers and functions of the Plaintiffs, a threat to the constitutional and corporate existence of Osun State, a brazen and unlawful denial of the democratic rights and dividends of the people of Osun State, and a direct violation of the fundamental constitutional principles of due process, the rule of law, and the financial autonomy of a federating unit.

 

“Whether, having regard to the combined express provisions of Section 7(6) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022, and Section 34 of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission Establishment Act, 2004, the third Defendant, being the banker to the Government of Osun State in respect of the said statutory account, can lawfully freeze or continue to freeze, restrict, block, or deny the Government of Osun State unrestricted access to the said account merely upon an administrative directive, letter, request, instruction, or communication from the first and/or second Defendants in the manner done herein, in the absence of a valid, subsisting, and specific order of a court of competent jurisdiction.

 

“Whether, having regard to the effect of the combined express provisions of Section 7(6) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022, and Section 34 of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission Establishment Act, 2004, and in the absence of an order of a court of competent jurisdiction, this Honourable Court ought not to forthwith set aside the directive given by the first Defendant to the third Defendant in a letter dated 5th August 2026 ordering the freezing, restriction, blocking, or placing of a post-no-debit instruction on the Osun State Statutory Account with the third Defendant, given that such action was allegedly taken in violation of due process, and in a manner demonstrably capable of crippling the constitutional and statutory obligations of the Government to the people of Osun State.”

 

As well as: “Whether, having regard to the effect of the combined express provisions of Section 7(6) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022, and Section 34 of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission Establishment Act, 2004, and in the absence of an order of a court of competent jurisdiction, the 3rd Defendant did not breach the duty of care owed to the Osun State Government when, on the purported directive of the first and second Defendants, it placed a restriction on the Osun State Statutory Account with the third Defendant, given that such action was allegedly taken without a court order, in violation of due process, and in a manner demonstrably capable of crippling the constitutional and statutory obligations and rights of the Government and people of Osun State.”

Upon determination of the issues, the plaintiffs, among other things, urged the court to declare the actions the defendants took with respect to the Osun State account as “unlawful, unconstitutional, ultra vires their powers, null and void, and of no effect whatsoever.”

 

They further sought: “An order setting aside, vacating, and nullifying the freezing, restriction, blocking, post-no-debit instruction, or any other restraint placed on the Osun State Statutory Account maintained with the 3rd Defendant vide its letter with Reference No. CR:3000/EFCC/ABJ/HQ/PFS/TA/OSUN/VOL.17/666 dated 5th August 2026 and authored by ACE I Adenike S. Babalola (for: Director, Investigation), for being unlawful, unconstitutional, and without legal basis.

 

“An order mandating the third Defendant to forthwith unfreeze, unblock, and remove all restrictions, and to allow the Government of Osun State immediate and unrestricted access to and operation of the said Osun State Statutory Account.

 

“An order of perpetual injunction restraining the first and second Defendants, whether by themselves, their officers, agents, servants, privies, or any person acting on their behalf, from freezing, restricting, blocking, placing a post-no-debit instruction on, or otherwise interfering with the Osun State Statutory Account or any other account of the Government of Osun State without following due process of the law.

 

“An order of perpetual injunction restraining the 3rd Defendant, whether by itself, its officers, agents, servants, privies, or any person acting on its behalf, from acting on any directive, letter, instruction, or request from the first and/or second Defendants to freeze, restrict, block, or deny access to the Osun State Statutory Account, except in the manner stipulated by law.”

 

They also prayed the court to award ₦2 billion against the defendants to serve as “exemplary and aggravated damages for the unlawful interference with public funds,” as well as an order directing the defendants to pay the costs of the litigation.

 

Meanwhile, no date has been fixed for the suit, which was filed shortly after President Bola Tinubu directed the EFCC to immediately approach the court to unfreeze the Osun State Federal Statutory Allocation Account.

 

The EFCC had on Wednesday confirmed that it froze the state government’s bank account, saying the action was taken to prevent the alleged movement of public funds under investigation and was not connected to the forthcoming election.

 

The agency said it had been busy investigating the Osun State Government since March, 2026, “regarding alleged fraudulent handling of Ecology Funds, Intervention Funds and Federal Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) account to the tune of ₦11,000,000,000 only”.

But Adeleke described the action as unconstitutional.

 

Amid the controversy, President Bola Tinubu directed the EFCC to vacate a court order freezing an account belonging to the state government.

 

In a statement he personally issued on Thursday, Tinubu said he feels “deeply embarrassed not by the EFCC’s exercise of its mandate backed by a court order, but by the timing of the agency’s action.”

 

The EFCC, in its explanation, literally, called the leadership of Osun State Government thieves and fraudulent.

AEDC: What It Takes To Get A Meter

By
The Source
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Azu Ishiekwene
Mr Azu Ishiekwene

By Azu Ishiekwene

 

Data is good, but it often doesn’t tell the whole story. Data cannot capture the extent of our efforts to get a prepaid meter at my workplace in Abuja after we were disconnected from the grid in February. We’re still off-grid. Our meter misery mocks any statistics you may find on the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) website.

Before we were cut off, things seemed fine because we were on estimated billing. In case this doesn’t make sense, estimated billing is an improvised metering system that allows the distribution company to estimate what you should pay for electricity, even if there is no electricity. It’s a best-case scenario that consistently delivers the worst possible outcome – darkness.

Yet, the estimated bill, like Caesar’s wife, is beyond suspicion. You must accept it for what it is, or negotiate for less by paying a bribe.

The band beat

When the tariff for “Band A” was increased, things got pretty chaotic. Customers like LEADERSHIP (where I work) that didn’t have a prepaid meter became prey to the staff of the Abuja Electricity Distribution Company (AEDC). AEDC fixed prices, which were often more than double what we had been paying before, and threatened to raise them further if we didn’t pay quickly.

Each time they came by in their rickety branded vans, with cable remnants in the open-back bed, harnesses, pliers, and an extension ladder among their more visible tools of terror, they threatened that we must pay what they had unilaterally decided, or be disconnected.

They wouldn’t mind if we could “do something,” the euphemism for a bribe: Pay the punitive bill or “do something” was the only option.

Enough is enough!

I decided that enough was enough. After a meeting with some senior staff members, we told the AEDC people to disconnect us. Our in-house power audit indicated that, even though we were taking a hit from energy costs that had gone up roughly 500 – 600 per cent in the last three years – the highest levels in 28 years – with control and better discipline, the difference between AEDC’s estimated bills and relying on the combined power from our generators and partial solar coverage would not be significant. We could manage in the short run.

But we decided not to leave the matter there. We complained formally. We were hopeful that even if AEDC field staff had gone rogue, their bosses would call them to order, investigate our complaint, and give us a prepaid meter. That was all we asked for. Surely, that was not too much.

Our journey to a prepaid meter from AEDC, which started in February, is now in its seventh month. After our complaint went unanswered for the first two or three weeks of February, we went to the top.

Oga at the top

We reached out to the MD, one Mr. Chijoke Okwuokenye, who seemed quite eager to help.

If you’re familiar with Nigerian big men, especially public-sector-minded ones, and you think seeing them is hard, wait until you ask them to perform a service.

There’s nothing they love like shoving you off to a subordinate who they know will exhaust you faster than a balloon on needles. The MD didn’t disappoint, which was shocking from the top shot of a company still so financially fragile that its consumer services were subsidised by N26.4 billion in 2024.

He directed us to an engineer, Jonathan Adeyemi, who asked us to apply for a meter. Of course, we applied only to be told that AEDC didn’t have any pre-paid meters at the time. They directed us to one of their vendors, in what now seemed like the second half of a meter ping-pong game.

Another oga at the top

In the midst of this, I met another AEDC big man by chance. I had gone to receive an award from the Abuja branch of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) when a man in the front row was introduced as Engineer Blessing Ogbe, the Chief Operating Officer of AEDC. I quickly slipped him a note introducing myself and asking for his assistance in getting us out of our meter misery.

He gave me his card and asked me to share any previous correspondence on the matter with him. He didn’t stop there. He introduced me to the head of corporate affairs, whom I had known in a previous life. This was in May. Surely, the nightmare of the last three or four months was about to end.

Afterwards, I shared acknowledgement copies of some of our letters of complaint dated February 17 with him and also copied the PR man. Nothing happened.

Disco not responding

In June, we decided to contact one of the two officially approved private meter companies based in Lagos. They were very eager to help, and in fact, sent field engineers to our office for a survey.

Here’s an entry from the journal of our staff who handled the matter after the private meter firm sent its report to the AEDC: “Mr A. (the private company’s field engineer) called me (on June 24 at 2.22 pm), saying that he has done his part, but Abuja Disco is not responding.” Yet, AEDC is a one-eyed king in the town of the 11 blind distribution companies. It ranks second in performance, only behind the Eko Electricity Distribution Company.

All 11 distribution companies are barely surviving, largely because of thousands of unmetered customers, technical losses from ageing infrastructure, electricity theft and bypass, and inability to efficiently recover the full cost of electricity supplied.

The problems run deep. Even though the “unbundling” of the power sector was a good idea, the entire value chain – from generation to distribution – which began 25 years ago, was crony capitalism at its worst. The privatisation of electricity distribution in 2013 was like a feast for vultures.

The bidding process was a sham, and mostly incompetent, but politically connected persons who thought it was going to become another gold mine like the sale of GSM licences, took advantage. Customers had already been through hell after years of poor service. We thought, well, it couldn’t get worse. Sell the damn thing if that’s what it takes to make it work again. Were we mistaken?

Meter for Christmas?

A Vanguard report said that the government had invested N10 trillion in the sector over 13 years. Yet the money has failed to help the system managers see that they cannot love ladders more than pre-paid meters. Wasn’t that why the regulator, NERC, fined AEDC N1.69 billion or 10 per cent of its operating expenses in September 2024 for non-compliance with capping estimated billing? They can’t get far without understanding something as basic as pre-paid metering and responsive customer service.

We might get our meter before Christmas. That’s what we hope for. After the back-and-forth, AEDC informed us in mid-July that we need a meter compatible with a 500 KVA transformer, rather than the 300 KVA meter that was originally assessed. We have now been directed to an Abuja-based private meter asset provider to supply the meter upon payment of N2,890,000.00.

So much for the unease of doing business!

Ishiekwene is the Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP and author of the book Writing for Media and Monetising It.

The Obasanjo/Atiku Feud: Debunking the False Narrative Of The 3rd Term Connection

By
James Orji
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Olusegun Obasanjo and Atiku Abubakar
As a Historian, I know how history is often simplified into convenient narratives. Over time, these narratives become accepted truths, not necessarily because they are accurate, but because they are easy to remember and endlessly repeated. One such narrative currently circulating in Nigeria’s political discourse, is the claim that former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s enduring opposition to the presidential aspirations of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar stems principally from Atiku’s role in frustrating the controversial 3rd Term agenda.
2. This narrative has recently gained renewed prominence through commentaries by respected public intellectuals and political actors, including Dr. Reuben Abati, Rt. Hon. Rotimi Amaechi’s Media Team, and numerous commentators across the mainstream and social media. While many of these analyses correctly recount important events surrounding the 3rd Term controversy, they reach a conclusion that, in my considered judgment, is factually inaccurate. They confuse the climax of a political conflict with its origin. Nothing could be further from the truth.
3. I write this article to challenge this false narrative on two grounds.
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4. The first is personal experience. Between 1999 and 2007, I served as Special Assistant to the President on States and Local Government Affairs and later on Research and Strategy, posted to the Office of the Vice President within the Aso Rock Presidential Villa. In that capacity, I occupied a unique vantage point from which I saw firsthand many of the events that culminated in one of the most consequential political feuds in Nigeria’s democratic history.
5. I participated in official meetings, prepared memoranda, interacted regularly with the Vice President and occasionally with the President and thus witnessed, firsthand, the gradual deterioration of what had begun as one of the strongest political partnerships in contemporary Nigerian history. Throughout that period, I also offered formal and informal advice aimed at preventing the conflict from escalating. Regrettably, those interventions did not alter the course of events.
6. The second ground is scholarly. As a trained historian, I have always approached political events through the discipline of chronology, causation and evidence. Historians distinguish carefully between immediate causes and underlying causes, between triggers and structural factors and between the culmination of a crisis and its genesis. Political controversies cannot be properly understood by isolating their most dramatic episode while ignoring the sequence of events that produced it.
7. It is precisely this distinction that has been lost in the current public discourse.
8. Anticipating this gap, in 2008, I documented my participations, observations and reflections in a book titled *An Ugly Dusk to a Beautiful Dawn*. The title reflects the extraordinary optimism with which Nigerians welcomed democratic rule in 1999 and the remarkably beautiful relationship that initially existed between President Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku Abubakar. That beautiful beginning, as narrated in the book, unfortunately, deteriorated into one of the ugliest political feuds in Nigeria’s democratic experience.
9. The consequences of that rupture extended far beyond the personal relationship of the two leaders. It profoundly weakened governance, divided the ruling establishment, distorted democratic institutions and produced political consequences that continue to shape Nigeria today. In my assessment, the feud significantly contributed to the broader failure of democratic governance, resulting in the entrenchment of corruption, deepening poverty, widening inequality, growing insecurity and persistent political instability. It is difficult to identify another single political conflict that has imposed such enduring costs on Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.
10. The central questions, therefore, are not merely who opposed whom during the 3rd Term debate, but rather: How did this conflict begin? What caused it? Who initiated it? Why did it escalate? Who is to blame? Could it have been avoided? And what lessons does it hold for Nigeria’s democratic future? These are the questions history must answer and the answers to which the book tried to provide.
11. The prevailing narrative identifies the 3rd Term controversy as the origin of the feud. The historical record, however, points elsewhere. The relationship between President Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku began deteriorating much earlier. The first signs of strain emerged quietly around September 2001, as a result of what I perceived as a highly sophisticated political scheme, not by either of them but by external forces beyond the immediate control and manipulation of both leaders. Reading the cordial relationship between the president and his deputy correctly, those forces saw clearly that Obasanjo was moving forward having his deputy to succeed him. They did not want that. So through high level political schemes, the good relationship between the president and vice president was ingeniously maneuvered to engineer crisis.
12. At that stage, the disagreement not only remained largely subterranean, visible only to those within the Presidency, but it was also clearly containable. It was at this stage that I personally made strenuous efforts to contain it. But I was misunderstood and put out. Thus, by 2002, the situation went out of hand till it became apparent to the public that significant differences had developed between the president and his deputy.
13. The principal issue at that stage was not constitutional amendment or presidential tenure elongation. Rather, it centred on the politics surrounding President Obasanjo’s quest for a 2nd presidential term. This distinction is critical because it fundamentally alters the chronology of events. Contrary to the prevailing narrative, the political struggle surrounding the President’s 2nd Term ambition preceded the 3rd Term controversy by several years. It was during this earlier period that mutual suspicion, distrust and political realignment began taking shape within the Presidency and the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Relationships deteriorated, loyalties were questioned and political calculations increasingly replaced institutional cooperation.
14. Eventually, after a series of difficult political developments, Vice President Atiku Abubakar supported President Obasanjo’s second-term bid. The President secured the party’s presidential nomination and subsequently won the 2003 general election. To outside observers, this victory appeared to signify reconciliation. Those within the system knew otherwise. By then the damage had been done!
15. One particular incident remains deeply etched in my memory. Following President Obasanjo’s victory at the PDP presidential primaries, many of us returned to the Presidential Villa in celebration. The atmosphere was festive. Supporters congratulated one another, music played and champagne flowed. Yet amid the excitement, the President sat forlornly in a corner, visibly withdrawn and unusually sombre.
16. Concerned by his mood, one of those present approached him with a glass of champagne and remarked cheerfully: “Mr. President, why are you sitting here? This is a happy moment. Please come and celebrate with us.” The President asked him to sit down beside him. Then, after a brief silence, he said words that have remained with me ever since: “If you people are happy, I am not. I feel humiliated from quarters that I least expected. But wait until after the general elections. If I win, then you people will know who your President is.”
17. The conversation ended there. Those words, however, revealed something far more significant than the outcome of a party primary. They suggested that, despite electoral victory, the President perceived himself as politically wounded by individuals, specifically the Vice President, he believed ought to have stood firmly with him. What appeared publicly as triumph concealed privately a deep sense of grievance.
18. After the 2003 general elections, that grievance increasingly translated into political action. Relations between the President and the Vice President deteriorated rapidly. Mutual confidence disappeared. Political retaliation became institutionalised. What had begun as quiet distrust evolved into open confrontation. It was this enraged situation that political opportunists took advantage of and created the 3rd Term scenario.
19. Hence, only several years later did the 3rd Term controversy emerge. By then, the feud was already well established. Indeed, the constitutional amendment debate did not create the conflict. Rather, it intensified an already existing struggle whose origins lay in the political battles surrounding the second-term succession question.
20. In other words, the 3rd Term dispute was not the cause of the Obasanjo–Atiku feud. It was its creation and most dramatic manifestation. This distinction is not merely semantic. It is historically decisive.
21. When analysts claim that President Obasanjo opposes Atiku today because Atiku frustrated the 3rd Term agenda, they inadvertently reverse the chronology of events. They attribute causation to what was, in reality, a later episode in a conflict that had begun years earlier. Historical analysis requires us to distinguish between origins and consequences.
22. The 2nd Term conflict produced the atmosphere of mistrust that eventually created the 3rd Term project and made it politically explosive. Without the earlier rupture, the later constitutional crisis would almost certainly have unfolded differently, if it ever emerged at all.
23. As I argued in the book, without the conflict surrounding President Obasanjo’s 2nd Term ambition, there would likely have been no 3rd Term issue in the first place. The 3rd Term struggle was therefore not the beginning of the feud; rather, the 3rd Term was the feud’s creation, continuation and escalation. This conclusion is consistent with one of the fundamental principles of historical scholarship: major political crises rarely emerge suddenly. They evolve through cumulative grievances, unresolved conflicts, competing ambitions, institutional failures and personal distrust. Dramatic events merely expose tensions that have long been developing beneath the surface.
24. Nigeria’s democratic history deserves to be understood in precisely those terms. Correcting this historical misunderstanding is not simply an academic exercise. The inaccurate narrative has shaped public perceptions of two of Nigeria’s most influential political figures for nearly two decades. More importantly, it has obscured the deeper institutional lessons that ought to be drawn from their conflict.
25. History must resist the temptation of convenient explanations. The truth is often more complex than popular narratives allow. The Obasanjo–Atiku feud did not begin with the 3rd Term agenda. By the time the constitutional amendment controversy emerged, the relationship had already deteriorated beyond repair. The 3rd Term battle was not the cause of the conflict; it was the battlefield upon which an older and deeper struggle reached its most visible expression. That distinction is not only historically significant – it is indispensable to understanding the evolution of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic and its politics.
Ardo is a former presidential aide

Atiku Mocks Tinubu: Order ICPC To Free El-Rufai Since You Have Control Over Anti-Graft Agencies

By
James Orji
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0
President Bola Tinubu
President Bola Tinubu
Presidential hopeful under the African Democratic Congress, ADC Atiku Abubakar has urged President Tinubu to order the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, ICPC to release former Kaduna State governor, Nasir el-Rufai.
The ADC presidential candidate said if Tinubu could order a sister anti-corruption agency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC to unfreeze Osun state government account, it could do the same with Elrufai case by directing the ICPC to release him.
Abubakar made the remark in a statement issued by Phrank Shaibu, his media assistant on Friday, saying the manner President Tinubu ordered the EFCC on the Osun issue is an indication that anti-graft agencies are no longer independent.
Meanwhile, divergent reactions have trailed the president’s directive to the EFCC to lift the freeze it had earlier placed on the Osun state account.
Elrufai is currently being prosecuted over corruption related issue, and has been in detention since March this year.
Not a few Nigerians have described his trial as politically motivated, saying he deserves a fair trial even when there are allegations of corruption against him.
Abubakar’s remarks come on the heels of President Tinubu’s directive to the EFCC to return to court and vacate the order freezing the Osun State Government’s bank accounts.
While acknowledging that the anti-graft agency acted within its statutory powers, the President said the timing of the action—barely days before the August 15 governorship election—was inappropriate.
Reacting through a statement issued by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, Atiku said the President’s intervention had punctured the long-held claim that the EFCC operates independently of the Presidency.
According to him, Tinubu cannot deny involvement in the commission’s affairs while simultaneously issuing operational directives.
“President Tinubu’s statement has raised more questions than it has answered,” Atiku said.
The former vice-president pointed out that although the EFCC gave detailed reasons for freezing the Osun accounts, it made no reference to obtaining a court order.
He also questioned why the President’s explanation rested entirely on the existence of such an order.
“If indeed there was a court order, why did the EFCC omit such a fundamental fact from its official account? If there was none, then the President has introduced into the public discourse a legal process that exists nowhere in the EFCC’s own narrative,” he stated.
Atiku argued that the President cannot claim non-interference in the EFCC’s operations while directing the commission to discontinue its action.
“He cannot claim that he neither knew of nor interferes in the operations of the EFCC and, in the very next breath, announce that he has directed the commission to discontinue its action and return to court.
“If the EFCC promptly complies with that directive, then Nigerians have before them undeniable proof that the commission is not as operationally independent as the President wants the country to believe.”
Regarding Elrufai’s case, Atiku said the President should apply the same authority he exercised in the Osun matter.
“Having now demonstrated that he can issue direct operational directives to anti-corruption agencies whenever he considers it expedient, President Tinubu owes Nigerians an explanation as to why he cannot exercise the same authority in the case of Mallam Nasir El-Rufai,” he said.
“If he can direct the EFCC to discontinue its action today, then he cannot pretend to be powerless over the actions of the ICPC tomorrow. Executive power cannot be invoked selectively for political convenience while institutional independence is cited only when it suits the Presidency.”
While acknowledging that lifting the freeze on the Osun State Government’s accounts could help calm political tensions ahead of the governorship election, Atiku insisted that key questions remain unanswered.
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