By Azu Ishiekwene

I love Arsenal fans. I sometimes think there can’t be many of them who won’t make good spouses or lifetime friends.

It takes the patience of Job and the fidelity of a monk to support a team through 22 winless seasons and still have the heart to sing “The Angel (North London) Forever,” each time that they filed out to play about 835 Premier League matches before this season’s glorious dawn.

When the Manchester City v A.C. Bournemouth match ended in a 1-1 draw on Tuesday night, giving Arsenal an irretrievable win, the relief and joy that erupted amongst Arsenal supporters was beyond belief – the pure, unbounded ecstasy of “Arsenalotary” was in full display after more than two decades of shattered dreams! And who knows what might happen if Arsenal were to defeat PSG on May 30, and also win the UEFA Cup?

The world has changed since Arsenal last won the English Premier League (EPL) trophy in the 2003/2004 season. Barack Obama became the first Black US president. Brexit and COVID-19 happened, and Queen Elizabeth II died, ending the longest reign in British history.

Nigeria has had four presidents, and the fifth, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is ending his first term.

iPhone was launched, and Facebook became a global giant. Twitter did not even exist, nor did Instagram, TikTok or ChatGPT.

And two of the Club’s players– Myles Lewis-Skelly and Ethan Nwaneri, on loan to Olympique Marseille – had not been born. That was how long Arsenal fans waited, singing Louis Dunford’s “Forever” most of the time.

Bookies nightmare

But it wasn’t always funny, especially in the last five years. In 2023/24, for example, pundits wagered that it would be Arsenal’s season. City, a serious contender, was on the back foot, and Mikel Arteta’s side looked formidable with the signings of Declan Rice, Kai Havertz and Jurrien Timber.

Analysts felt the club had matured. Arsenal topped the table for nearly 18 weeks before City toppled them and snatched the title by two points. It was another heartbreak year, as it turned out that City’s decline was slightly exaggerated.

Even in 2025/26, which is ending in glory, it seemed, at some point, that the curse of “nearly there” was about to repeat itself. I’m speaking not as an Arsenal fan, but as a father at the receiving end of the emotional turmoil suffered by family and friends broken by Arsenal’s many torrid seasons.

My barber, my cousin

This season has been particularly traumatic for them. For example, after Arsenal stumbled to a 2–1 defeat to City in April, my cousin vowed he would not watch the team again. He said the games were giving him mental stress and causing him nightmares. “If Arsenal doesn’t give me HBP,” he lamented, “then nothing will!” It’s what the Reggae star, Peter Tosh, might have called, “Arsenalmylitis.”

Like my cousin, my barber also managed to keep his sanity by telling anyone who cared to listen that this would be his last Arsenal season. For me, a Chelsea fan with nothing more to lose this season, I found myself playing a pocket therapist by assuring him there was hope, to lessen his misery, and also from what I thought was the mentality, depth and alignment of Arsenal’s squad this season. No Arsenal team has wanted to win more in the last 22 years than this one.

It’s been edgy for me, watching the Blues slip off the Champions League perch and losing the FA Cup final to City in the outgoing season. With a new coach and an overpriced, underperforming squad without major competitions to challenge them, even the new season looks uncertain. Yet, I’m not up for the fans’ transfer market.

More than just a game

Professional football, generally, has gained a frenzied global ascendancy that only religion can surpass in numbers, followership, and fanaticism. Despite the global economic downturn, football arenas fill up across cities and towns whenever there are fixtures. There seems to be more hunger for matches than there is in the stomach.

But there’s more to it than matches. I’ve often heard stories, both comical and sad, of how an increasing number of folks,young and not-so-young, are losing what ought to be residual income, savings or even borrowed funds in football pools and betting ventures. Even though it’s a matter of choice, the allure must feel like dope – overwhelming and psychotic.

The EPL Annual revenues for the 2023/24 season, according to Deloitte’s Annual Review of Football Finance, were worth around €38 billion. That figure covers professional club football, including the big five leagues in England, Spain, Germany, Italy and France, as well as smaller domestic leagues.

Its sheer size, efficiency and organisation are probably the reasons EPL has spawned a betting industry which has outgrown social inhibitions about gambling and now defies even religious preachments that gambling breaches the righteous code.

Boosted by digital satellite television, betting, especially the football brand of it, is no longer a street corner venture, but one of the fastest-growing businesses.

The tragic fallouts and losses have become part of the silent misfortunes of many folks, who, like insects attracted to the sweet smell of a poisonous plant, are ever again fatally tempted by the prospects of making easy money. So long as there’s a game, there’s hope.

Follow the money

Premier League clubs generated about £6.3 billion in revenue in the 2023/24 season, and Manchester City alone made £719 million. If the EPL were a country, its economy would be larger than those of at least nine African countries, including Sierra Leone, Liberia, Malawi, Niger, and Lesotho.

Premier League clubs surpassed £6 billion in aggregate revenue in 2023/24, with the 2024/25 season projected to push total revenue even higher thanks to broadcast‑rights, new commercial deals, and rising match-day receipts.

Despite successive seasons of price rises, the average EPL fan paid around £53 per match-day in 2024/25, up from about £51 the year before, reflecting strong demand and limited stadium capacity. That pricing power underscores the basic economic truth: in a league where TV and commercial revenue insulate clubs from gate‑dependence, owners can treat match-day as a premium‑experience business, not a charity.

Before the title, Arsenal was already valued at £2bn to £2.8bn, according to Forbes. According to some estimates,ending a 22-year league drought could increase the club’s value by 10-20 percent over time, especially if it also wins the European title.

What next?

As the 25/26 season gives way to the World Cup, which Canada, Mexico, and the United States will jointly host in June, emotions will find new avenues for expression, as football takes centre stage. Whether for club or country, the game can count on the tribal loyalty and emotions of hundreds of millions of fans to keep the cash register ringing and the stakes high.

Ishiekwene is the Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP and author of the book, Writing for Media and Monetising It.

By Ike Abonyi

” _Ribadu is the mastermind behind my inquiries and the criticism directed at my commissioners. He aims to be president in 2031 and is intent on removing anyone he perceives as a hurdle to his ambitions” —_ Nasir El-Rufai (Arise TV, February 2025)

Could the unusual appointment of a Homeland Security Adviser be linked to the upcoming 2027 general election? Is the apprehension surrounding what Nuhu Ribadu and Nasir El-Rufai might accomplish in electoral politics behind the introduction of this local security position? Why are Ribadu and El Rufai consistently significant players, whether positively or negatively, in every electoral cycle in Nigeria? Have they found in Tinubu a formidable obstacle? Insights into these inquiries may be unearthed through our political discussions this week, as we examine the roles of these two influential individuals in our political landscape.

In football, “over-dribbling” refers to the practice of holding onto the ball for too long, repeatedly manoeuvring past a defender without making a timely pass. While this may captivate the audience, it often disrupts the team’s rhythm, limits available options, and can lead to a tackle or loss of possession. In political terms, over-dribbling equates to excessive strategising, constant manoeuvring, and indulging in endless political machinations rather than pursuing decisive actions or forming stable alliances. When discussing over-dribbling in politics in Nigeria, we can’t overlook Mallam Nasir El-Rufai and Nuhu Ribadu—two prominent figures whose intellectual ingenuity is widely recognised.

My first encounter with El-Rufai occurred in 2006 as we approached the presidential election when the late Umaru Yar’Adua was set to run in 2007, and El-Rufai was heading the media strategy for that campaign. His tireless efforts to secure Yar’Adua’s election led to his departure from the government, as the modest and reserved Yar’Adua found it difficult to accept El-Rufai’s evident overwhelming brilliance, which was apparent to all under Olusegun Obasanjo.

As for Ribadu, my initial contact occurred during the Human Rights Violation and Investigation Commission, also known as the Oputa Panel, which was established in 1999 by the Obasanjo administration to address various unresolved injustices of the time. I was a reporter covering the panel’s hearings, and Ribadu was acting as a legal representative for the Nigerian Police. He attracted significant attention not purely as a police officer but as a vocal advocate for Northern interests, often overshadowing his role as legal counsel.

Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, the panel’s chairman, alongside Rev. Fr. Matthew Kukah (now the Bishop of Sokoto), repeatedly instructed Ribadu to maintain some neutrality given his position. His fervent defence of Northern issues was overt and provocative. In time, both Ribadu and El-Rufai became integral figures in the Obasanjo administration, forming part of a close-knit “Economic Team” aimed at modernising Nigeria’s governmental framework. Their alliance hinged on a shared reputation for integrity and steadfastness.

During this era, their focus was aimed outward, targeting the old political establishment they sought to replace. The connection between  El-Rufai and Ribadu exemplifies the dynamic nature of Nigerian power politics. Both men became recognised as “technocratic superstars” during the Obasanjo administration—one as the reform-minded leader of the Federal Capital Territory and the other as the determined face of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Their individual pathways and collaborations offer valuable lessons regarding the intricate nature of political manoeuvring within the corridors of power.

What followed is well-documented, but it’s important to note that the duo was so influential in the Obasanjo government that they played a significant role in deciding who would be Yar’Adua’s vice president in 2007. When Yar’Adua ultimately distanced himself from them and his successor, Goodluck Jonathan, showed little enthusiasm for their continued involvement, they entered a period of political obscurity. Ribadu aligned himself with Bola Tinubu, who welcomed him and offered him the presidential ticket for his party, the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), in 2011, while El-Rufai partnered with the esteemed former Head of State, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, to provide the much-needed intellectual foundation for his political platform.

Recognising El-Rufai’s potential, an energised Buhari appointed him as the National Secretary of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), leading El-Rufai to strive to surpass Buhari’s previous regular 12 million electoral achievements. This collaboration culminated in the Tinubu/Buhari alliance that successfully unseated the sitting President, Goodluck Jonathan, paving the way for Buhari’s victory in 2015.

Ambition eventually created a rift between El-Rufai and Ribadu, as anticipated; one ascended to the governorship of Kaduna State while the other faced defeat in his pursuit of the Adamawa governorship. As the 2023 elections approached, El-Rufai was strategising for a vice-presidential position with any Southern candidate except Tinubu, whom he publicly dismissed, while Ribadu maintained his loyalty to Tinubu despite widespread scepticism regarding his prospects. Yet, the outgoing President Buhari’s ambivalence kept both men in uncertainty.

Out of frustration, El-Rufai was compelled to set aside his initial objections and align with Tinubu, whose candidacy had recently gained traction due to Buhari’s indecision. By effectively collaborating with Ribadu, they were able to deliver Tinubu an impressive 8 million votes, a result that emerged late at night amid considerable surprise.

In the aftermath, Ribadu was rewarded for his loyalty, while El-Rufai faced consequences for his earlier disloyalty. While acknowledging El-Rufai’s contribution to his victory in 2023, Tinubu was also mindful of El-Rufai’s previous reservations about him, interpreting them as sincere.

This sequence of events further widened the gap between these two politically shrewd figures. El-Rufai faced disgrace during ministerial confirmation processes, while Ribadu received the appointment as National Security Adviser.

Given their pivotal roles in previous elections, both men possess invaluable insights into electoral strategies that are not readily apparent. Excluding either figure from future electoral considerations could prove detrimental.

El-Rufai’s attempt to demonstrate his influence by claiming access to the intelligence chief’s contacts has since led to his detainment, but this has not quelled the tensions he has kindled.

Tinubu, aware of the need to consolidate power—encompassing state governors, key opposition figures, the National Assembly, and the judiciary—approaches the prospect of the 2027 election with trepidation. His growing discord with Northern factions has rendered every Northern figure, particularly among the Hausa Fulani, suspect.

It is no longer feasible to depend solely on Ribadu, especially with the volatile El-Rufai now positioned outside the inner circle and visibly upset. The logical shift now lies in seeking a dependable alternative among local figures. Even if Ribadu opts for loyalty, his capability in election matters remains questionable and must be bolstered.

The current challenges faced by El-Rufai and Ribadu serve as a cautionary tale on the risks of over-dribbling, which leaves them vulnerable to counterattacks, as we now witness.

The longer a politician remains entrenched in the “ball” of political intrigue, the more exposed they become. Every unnecessary manoeuvre provides opportunities for adversaries to counter and strategise against them.

In high-risk political landscapes, over-dribbling often results in public conflicts or significant legal challenges. When a politician tries to control too many aspects of power simultaneously, they furnish their opponents with the tools needed to dismantle their position—often leveraging state mechanisms or investigative bodies to do so.”. 

A political independent who chooses not to collaborate may end up distancing themselves from their supporters and political protégés, a situation currently affecting El Rufai and Ribadu’s political followers as the 2027 elections approach. At first, the public admires a political maverick like El Rufai—someone capable of outmanoeuvring the establishment and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles. However, when their elaborate strategies fail to produce tangible results or encounter a formidable opponent like Tinubu, the initial cheers may shift to discontent. The consequences of the impulsive actions taken by these two prominent political figures highlight that in politics, the most successful politicians are not necessarily those displaying intricate manoeuvring, but rather those who know when to make straightforward, impactful decisions. Just as in football, the scoreboard doesn’t measure the number of successful dribbles, but rather how many goals are scored. By now, these two have realised that the cost of political manoeuvring has led to the loss of a significant friendship for the sake of political survival. While Ribadu effectively utilises the state’s official resources, El-Rufai is pushing the boundaries of political resistance, turning their private disagreements into a public discourse on the use of state authority. The ongoing story of El-Rufai and Ribadu serves as a poignant reminder that in high-stakes politics, today’s ally can become tomorrow’s warning, and a reformist’s greatest opponent can ofte n be the system they once helped establish. God help us as we navigate all the intrigues in our political landscape.

Abonyi is an accompanying Journalist, Columnist and Media Consultant