By Valentine Obienyem

The first time I heard Chris Nwokeabia declare, in attack of Mr. Peter Obi,  that “governance is not about saving money”, alongside other equally untenable assertions, I wondered what calibre of thinker could advance such a proposition. For a moment, I imagined I was listening to one of those arguments that emerge from a barber’s shop where  the most absurd opinions are often expressed with absolute confidence. It was only through the writings of my brother, Tai Obasi, and his apostles that I learnt that the man actually holds the title of professor.

Without intending undue disrespect, anyone who dismisses the necessity of saving appears to overlook one of the most elementary principles of survival and responsible planning. Even in today’s Nigeria, would any academic seriously contend that their salary is sufficient to meet every unforeseen emergency without putting something aside?

The wisdom of saving is not uniquely human. Nature has demonstrated it for millions of years. The dog buries surplus food for a time of hunger; the squirrel stores nuts against scarcity; bees preserve honey in their hives; and ants gather provisions in preparation for harsher seasons. These are simple but powerful illustrations of a universal principle: consume what you need today, but preserve something for tomorrow.

The wisdom of prudence is also deeply rooted in philosophy. Seneca and the Stoics repeatedly praised frugality, moderation and simplicity as safeguards against misfortune. In his “Letters from a Stoic”, Seneca emphasised the value of learning to live with less and avoiding dependence on abundance, because doing so frees a person from anxiety, dependency and the unpredictable turns of fortune. The Stoic lesson was clear: prudence is not the enemy of prosperity; it is what enables prosperity to survive adversity.

Indeed, serious countries understand this principle. Responsible governments build reserves, stabilisation funds and other fiscal buffers precisely because they know that economic shocks, recessions, emergencies and unforeseen expenditures are inevitable. Saving is therefore not an admission of failure; it is an instrument of responsible planning.

So, the proposition that “governance is not about saving money” is difficult to defend as a general principle. A more defensible formulation would be this: “Governance is not merely about saving money; it is about spending wisely while maintaining sufficient reserves to survive the inevitable bad times.”

That distinction matters. Saving everything would be foolish; saving nothing is even more foolish. Responsible government requires a balance between meeting present needs and preparing for future risks. The objective is neither to hoard resources nor to spend recklessly, but to ensure that today’s expenditure does not leave tomorrow’s government helpless when adversity arrives – this was what Mr. Obi did.

In the harsh realities of present-day Nigeria, can anyone honestly argue that it is unnecessary for a household, a business or a government to keep something in reserve? What responsible professional would spend every naira earned today on the assumption that tomorrow will bring no emergency, recession, illness, disruption or unexpected expenditure?

What is particularly perplexing is not merely the statement itself but  coming from a professor. When an idea that contradicts such an elementary principle of prudence is presented as sophisticated economic thinking, scholarship risks becoming a justification for fiscal recklessness rather than an instrument for illuminating public policy.

If even the creatures of the animal kingdom instinctively understand the wisdom of preserving today’s surplus against tomorrow’s scarcity, and philosophers such as Seneca recognised the value of frugality and preparedness, perhaps the real question is not whether governance is about saving money, but what kind of governance deliberately chooses not to save?

By Azu Ishiekwene

The money that politicians didn’t spend in Osun during the August 15 governorship election was the money they didn’t have and couldn’t steal. All kinds of figures have been bandied about, in hundreds of millions and billions. It’s difficult to say if these are over- or underestimations. But damn, it was some cash!

Credible sources suggest that the main opposition, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), may have spent nearly N40 billion (Davido told News Central it was N110 billion), mainly through contributions from the 20 governors and at least 50 members of the National Assembly, who descended on the state for four days.

Shelling out the money

The Accord Party and its supporters were also determined not to be outspent. Apart from matching APC’s offer of N50,000 per willing voter, two sources told me that Afrobeats icon Davido (projected by Forbes to earn about $20 million in 2023 alone from royalties, tours, and endorsements) allegedly supported his uncle directly with N10 billion.

For every social media video of voters singing triumphantly about rejecting money from one group or the other, there were hundreds of equally enthusiastic people up and down the state, from Osogbo to Ede and from Ejigbo to Ilesa and Ife, who collected their share silently and looked on.

For a state that gets an average of N20.4 billion monthly from its mainstay, the Federation account, and one that is also famously the Southwest’s capital of contented civil servants, it’s a surprise that the local economy has not yet drowned in the deluge of money.

Apart from the role of money in Saturday’s poll in Osun, I’ve also been curious to know the role of civil servants, the backbone of government; the impact of the defectors and/or withdrawal of support by leading People’s Democratic Party (PDP) members in Osun; and why reelected Governor Ademola Adeleke insists on backing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for reelection in January 2027 general elections.

Not exactly saintly

Osun civil service is not as pristine – or if you like, innocent – as it’s often presented in the common folklore. Sure, there are exceptions. But the ups and downs the system has endured since 1999 have damaged it far more than the public imagination is willing to admit. The scar, which is a growing malignancy, was visible on Saturday.

Under Governor Bisi Akande, between 1999 and 2003, the government sacked at least 3,000 civil servants, sparking deep resentment amongst the unions. That experience was largely responsible for the swing from the “progressive” Alliance for Democracy to the PDP in 2003.

Then came Governors Rauf Aregbesola and Gboyega Oyetola of the APC, whose austerity measures included paying civil servants half salaries irregularly and defaulting for months on paying pensions and gratuity.

Whatever these governors’ intentions were, and regardless of any excuses they may have had, this adversity pushed civil servants to the brink of temptation. They overcame mainly by yielding. Traumatised, they not only rejected Governor Oyetola after his first term in 2022 and embraced Adeleke, but also resorted to foul means to fend for themselves.

In other words, the Osun civil service has become part of the state’s larger problem. Yet many mistake this emerging demon for militancy and freedom, which it is not.

Rub my back…

Multiple sources told me last week that what came across in the governorship poll as a ringing endorsement of Adeleke, especially by civil servants, was actually a defence of group self-interest under a government unwilling or incapable of curbing corruption in the civil service.

“It was a game of rub-my-back-and-I-rub-yours,” a source said, “by a governor desperate for reelection and civil servants desperate to enjoy their booming ungoverned side hustle.” Is this civil service still fit for purpose? What will happen after Adeleke is blowing in the wind.

Backfire

Why did the opposition collapse? How did what looked like a formidable group, comprising Hon. Oluwole Oke (APC Obokun/Oriade Federal Constituency), defector-in-sham Senator Francis Fadahunsi, and the Olagunsoye Oyinlola-led PDP, and the Governor Hope Uzodimma horde that promised to bring Adeleke’s head on a platter to the President, disappear in the dead of night?

Possibly three things happened. Oyetola overplayed his hand of presidential proximity when teamplay and prudence were required. The result was that he and the APC candidate, Bola Oyebamiji, ended up in the hole dug for Adeleke.

But that overreach was not a peculiarly Oyetola malaise. The bug also spread to the Edo State Governor, Okpebholo, whose insults not a few Osun voters took personal. They repaid him with an unsolicited display of his adorable school certificate result on social media, plus a wee-hour one-way ticket out of Osogbo.

Second, there was infighting, too; partly as a result of Oyetola’s overbearing role, and partly borne out of suspicion by long-standing APC members that the Fadahunsis and other late joiners had only come to cash out.

And third, like I wrote last week, the cumulative effect of the longstanding disenchantment with the APC in Osun, not to mention the malicious loyalty of APC chieftain Iyiola Omisore, gave Adeleke the harvest he badly needed.

Adeleke in Tinubu’s corner

Why does Adeleke insist on supporting Tinubu, despite opposition by many of his supporters, including his nephew, Davido, who cite the governor’s raw deal at the hands of the ADC? It’s a matter of strategic loyalty. Osun has 12 seats in the National Assembly, out of which the Accord Party currently controls seven.

If Adeleke were to defect to the APC now, he would be risking his advantage. The trade-off of party seats for 2027 might disfavour him or weaken his bargaining power. Carrying the momentum into next year, however, would likely strengthen his hold of National Assembly seats from the current seven to perhaps nine or more, and also secure a comfortable majority in the state assembly.

If, on the contrary, he begins now to antagonise Tinubu, and the President wins reelection in January, Adeleke risks a resurgence of brutal federal might that could not only weaken his control over federal legislators but also install a hostile state assembly that could impeach him.

Seductive reverence

The technology deployed by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on Saturday worked relatively well, despite a few reported hitches. There was also a significant security deployment, while concentrated voter and public vigilance helped keep many on their toes.

Adeleke knows, however, that next year’s general election will stretch all these factors to their limits, making states of particular federal interest more vulnerable. In a contest with such a highly uncertain outcome, the governor may well be better off in Tinubu’s corner.

Seductive reverence for Abuja ensures he keeps the APC hawks at bay, despite his supporters’ displeasure.

Political math, the footwork

Fortunately for Adeleke, the various opposition groups ranged against him on August 15 – from the divided house of the APC, to the spoilsport PDP, and the smouldering remains of the ADC – have turned on themselves, eating their own entrails. Yet the thing about politics, especially the Nigerian variety, is how quickly alliances can change, and old foes reemerge in new forms.

In Harrysong-speak, a language that Adeleke is very conversant with, it doesn’t take much for this reggae of victory to turn to blues of adversity. He must watch his back and strive, this time, to leave a legacy beyond footwork.

Ishiekwene is the Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP and author of the book, Writing for Media and Monetising It.