By Olugbenga Adebamiwa

Nigeria’s swift military intervention in the Benin Republic following Sunday’s failed coup attempt has reignited a complex debate at the intersection of national security, constitutional legality, regional diplomacy, and democratic stability in West Africa.

As the region battles a surge of coups, violent extremism, and weakening civilian institutions, Abuja’s decisive though constitutionally contested response underscores both the opportunities and dilemmas facing Africa’s most populous democracy.

West Africa has experienced nine coups or attempted coups since 2020, from Mali and Burkina Faso to Niger and now Benin.

These uprisings are fuelled by a mix of jihadist insurgency, public disillusionment with civilian governments, and geopolitical realignment involving France, Russia, and increasingly China. In Benin’s case, the attack led by Colonel Pascal Tigri was contained within hours, but the episode reflects the wider instability sweeping Francophone states where over 45% of citizens express declining trust in electoral democracy, according to Afrobarometer.

Nigeria’s rapid deployment, acting on two formal requests from Cotonou, reflects Abuja’s growing concern that the coup wave could spill over into its borders.

Nigeria’s armed forces face immense pressure. Fighting insurgents, bandits, and separatist groups across at least six active security theatres, the military has neutralized thousands of terrorists over the past decade, though official figures vary and independent verification remains difficult in conflict zones. Unlike Benin’s coupists, terrorists inside Nigeria operate from dispersed forest camps, mixing with civilian populations and employing guerrilla tactics specifically designed to deter conventional airstrikes. This structural difference explains why the precision strikes witnessed in Benin cannot simply be replicated in Niger, Chad, or Nigeria’s internal battlegrounds.

The challenge is compounded by the sensitive allegiances of communities along the borders, where cross-border ethnic ties sometimes complicate enforcement efforts and fuel political suspicion.

Under Section 5(4)(b) of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution, the President must obtain Senate approval before deploying troops on combat duty outside national borders, except in immediate defence of Nigeria. Critics argue that President Bola Tinubu acted unlawfully by ordering an air and ground response without prior legislative consent. Supporters counter that the urgency of the coup attempt justified prompt action and that Benin’s formal request for help aligns with ECOWAS protocols on collective security. The controversy highlights an uncomfortable truth, constitutional safeguards often collide with real-time security demands, particularly when regional stability and Nigeria’s own national interests are at stake.

Tinubu’s supporters frame his move as statesmanship, opponents call it geopolitics disguised as democratic defense.

Beyond the military dimension lies a deeper political calculation. Nigeria’s action reassures partners like France and ECOWAS that Abuja remains the region’s democratic anchor, especially after Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso transitioned toward military rule and Russian influence. President Tinubu, with decades-long credentials as a pro-democracy activist, seeks to position Nigeria as West Africa’s “Democratic Defender-in-Chief.” Yet sceptics argue that global optics play a role, suggesting the intervention serves multiple goals, reinforcing Nigeria’s regional dominance, securing international backers, and sending a message to domestic actors who might underestimate the military’s reach. As one analyst put it, “This is as much about democracy as it is about geopolitical chess.”

The failed coup in Benin is a reminder that democracy without economic justice cannot endure. In Francophone West Africa, nearly 40% of the population lives in poverty, youth unemployment exceeds 30%, and weak public services fuel resentment against civilian administrations. Until governments provide jobs, education, security, and credible elections, military overreach will continue to tempt dissatisfied populations.

Nigeria’s intervention may have preserved Benin’s constitutional order for now, but long-term stability depends on broader governance reforms across the region. West Africa must choose between a future defined by recurring coups or one anchored in accountable leadership, shared prosperity, and institutions that work for all.

Ultimately, democracy survives not by force alone, but by delivering dignity, opportunity, and justice to the people it claims to serve.

Adebamiwa Olugbenga Michael is a Lagos-based political analyst who explores ethnic economics and urban policy through open-source data.

He is also the publisher of The Insight Lens Project.

By Solomon Dalung

“The nation is forced to ask why the same swift coordination used in Benin Republic is absent in Sambisa Forest, Plateau, Zamfara, Niger, Kaduna and other theatres where terrorists operate freely”

The early hours of Sunday, 7th December 2025, witnessed a sudden military putsch in the Republic of Benin. Soldiers led by Lt. Col. Pascal Tigri seized the national television station, announced the dissolution of democratic institutions, and ordered the closure of airspace and land borders. In what appeared to be a decisive display of regional leadership, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces, swiftly deployed air assets and ground troops across the border.

Within one hour, the Nigerian Air Force reportedly executed coordinated aerial strikes on convoys believed to be transporting coup loyalists. The operation was quick, clinical, and effective. The putsch was crushed, stability restored, and constitutional order reinstated. For this prompt action, President Tinubu deserves commendation. His intervention reaffirmed Nigeria’s historic role as a backbone of West African stability and guardian of democratic norms in the sub-region.

However, this success story raises uncomfortable but important questions about the Federal Government’s commitment to combating terrorism, banditry, and internal insecurity within Nigeria. If we possessed such air power, tactical response capacity, and elite strike forces all along, why have we watched terrorists ravage communities, kidnap schoolchildren, and murder citizens daily without equivalent urgency? Why was Brigadier General Musa Uba left abandoned in the forest for days, only for his location to be compromised and he subsequently recaptured and executed by ISWAP?

The nation is forced to ask why the same swift coordination used in Benin Republic is absent in Sambisa Forest, Plateau, Zamfara, Niger, Kaduna and other theatres where terrorists operate freely. Why can fighter jets neutralize coup plotters in another sovereign state, yet fail to locate and dismantle insurgent enclaves within our borders? Are we saying Nigerian forces can cross borders under 24 hours to restore democracy abroad, but cannot rescue over 300 schoolchildren kidnapped in Niger State or thousands languishing in captivity across the North?

These contradictions suggest that Nigeria’s insecurity persists not necessarily due to incapacity, but because of institutional hesitation or deliberate political choices. A government that can mobilize rapidly beyond its borders cannot convincingly argue helplessness at home. The painful impression is that protecting foreign democracy appears more urgent than protecting Nigerian lives, dignity, and territorial integrity.

Under international law, a state that is “unwilling or unable to protect its citizens from mass atrocities” risks inviting external intervention under the doctrine of collective self-defence. President Tinubu’s swift action in Benin, contrasted with slow responses to mass killings and kidnappings at home, unfortunately aligns with the global perception that Nigeria is unwilling to decisively confront terrorism. It therefore validates foreign voices, including President Trump, who argue that outside assistance may soon become necessary to defend Nigerians where their government has failed.

In conclusion, while we applaud the restoration of democracy in Benin Republic, we demand the same energy, courage and urgency to secure Nigerian citizens. Let the fighter jets that flew into Cotonou also roar over Sambisa. Let the boots that marched for Benin march for Chibok, Kachia, Mangu and Kontagora. National strength is not measured only abroad, it is proven at home.

Dalung, LLM, LLB, BL

Igbarman Otarok tarok & Garkuwa Arewa, was Federal Minister for Youths during the first tenure of President Muhammadu Buhari
[email protected]

By Steve Osuji

ONE: Engagement Through Subterfuge: The new party emanating from a coalition of opposition politicians has already been tainted. The African Democratic Congress (ADC), has been completely taken over by the Atiku group.

Analysts had mocked ADC as ATIKU DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS, and truly, the situation in the party today has proved them perspicacious.

A few days ago, Atiku Abubakar, erstwhile vice president of Nigeria and one of the arrowhead of ADC announced that he had formalised his membership of the party. A few others followed suit.

But this is a plot and premeditated subterfuge. The plot here is to put pressure on all members, especially,  Peter Obi, to formalise their membership of the party without further delay.

Atiku and company seek to trap Obi into committing to the party without agreeing on terms of engagement.

Atiku has indicated that he’s hell-bent on contesting for the presidency of Nigeria; but this is utterly out of turn with the rotational principle embedded in Nigeria’s multi-ethnic political system. This principle cannot and must not be sacrificed on the altar of one man’s vaulting ambition to be president of Nigeria at all cost.

Since Atiku and ADC have concluded plans to hijack the Presidential ticket of ADC by stealth, Peter Obi must not only shun the ADC (trap) immediately, he must run away from them forthwith.

The reason for this gentle admonition is that, with the heightened desperation in the Atiku camp, they are capable of deploying extraordinary measures to achieve their dubious objectives.

TWO: There’s No Going Back For Atiku. The handwriting is on the wall. It is very clear and unambiguous. The die is cast for him. There’s no going back. It is settled. He has gone beyond whether he would run or not. He is already the ADC candidate. Who will dare to run against the Leviathan?

THREE: Atiku’s CAMPAIGN Has Started Full Steam As ADC PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE! He makes no bones about it! He has sealed the slot.

Recall that he already has his team. Feckless Dele Momodu, his de facto campaign director, hinted the other day that if Peter Obi doesn’t hurry up to seal the running mate position, it would be ceded to Mr Rotimi Amaechi. What impetus! What gratuitous insult to OBiDIENTS and the Obi group in the ADC.

We hear he’s angling for the job too!

While the party was still discussing the zoning formula, while debate is on about a possible acclamation for Obi, the one with the catalytic momentum in the coalition, Atiku has already beaten the gun to hijack the mandate.

He wouldn’t even wait for a primary and he is already deciding on a running mate.

He has also gone ahead to host all the ADC State party chairmen in his Abuja residence. After spending billions to fete these key party officials in his abode, he has simply sealed the fate of all other aspirants, making any party primary a formality.

FOUR: Old Order Democracy. Obi must shun ADC because what is at play is the vintage old order politics. This is no different from what’s going on in the APC where President Tinubu has the party in his pocket and he  dictates every move and every position.

As it is, Atiku would be worse than Tinubu because he has no regard for any member of the party and he doesn’t give a hoot about any rules of engagement. It is all about bearing the title “president” and not about rebuilding Nigeria or even getting any work done!

FIVE: He’s Not a Democrat. The vile methods OBiDIENTS have rejected and jettisoned is in play right now in ADC.

Atiku has completely taken over ADC, he’s already acting like a god whose every word must be obeyed.

Like Tinubu he’s a democrat only by name and a despot by action.

Obi and OBiDIENTS must flee from him and his evil party!

SIX: Obi and OBiDIENTS, Must Take a Stand today. These moves by Atiku are clear pointers that he is not speaking the same language as  Obi and OBiDIENTS. Obi must shun Atiku and his ADC, NOW!

They remain the same old order holding Nigeria and her great people to ransom over the years. Atiku, like Tinubu is all about power mongering: power for power’s sake. OBiDIENTS cannot function in ADC under Atiku.

SEVEN: Obi Doesn’t Have To Be President. He has said it umpteenth time that he doesn’t have to be president. The reason for his exertions is to prove that a better Nigeria is possible.

Obi is driven by this selfless ideal to remove Nigeria from her present morass in which she is stuck.

There’s no better reason to shun Atiku and his ADC than this. There’s no difference between APC and ADC. And indeed, there’s no difference between Bola Tinubu and Atiku Abubakar. The later may even turn out to be worse when ensconced to the position of power.

EIGHT: OBiDIENTS Will Never Vote Obi as a Running Mate. Obi becoming a running mate to Atiku will actually spell doom for ADC. Worse,  it will not only make Obi a villainous opportunist, it will indeed, inter Obi’s political career including his entire persona and essence.

NINE: Obi Doesn’t Have To be a President To Be a Great man. Obi has already earned a more significant place in history than many so-called presidents of Nigeria. Being president of a country doesn’t necessarily confer greatness. A man’s legacy is what earns him his place in the annals.

Alfred Nobel, Henry Ford and even Bill Gates today are never presidents. Few presidents have more notable positions in the reckoning of the ages.

TEN: Better To Quit Than Be a Running Mate. If Nigeria’s OLD, WICKED ORDER has conspired to keep you out of the race, if they have closed all the democratic space, if some Nigerians like conspired with the powers that be to criminally shut you out, don’t despair.

EXPRESSO is of the opinion that you should call a world press conference and announce your ouster.

IT’S MORE HONOURABLE TO QUIT THE RACE THAN TO BE A RUNNING MATE.

Osuji was editor at The Guardian and THISDAY among others.

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OSUJISTEVE/08.12. 25